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text]."
Note: the page numbers embedded in the text (e.g. [p. 1])
refer to an earlier edition see Browne's Introduction.
A TRAVELLER'S NARRATIVE
WRITTEN TO ILLUSTRATE
THE EPISODE OF THE
BÁB
[p. 1] Touching the
individual known as the Báb and the true nature of this sect diverse tales are
on the tongues and in the mouths of men, and various accounts are contained in
the pages of Persian history and the leaves of European
chronicles
1. But because of the variety of their
assertions and the diversity of their narratives not one is as worthy of
confidence as it should be. Some have loosed their tongues in extreme censure
and condemnation; some foreign chronicles have spoken in a commendatory strain;
while a certain section have recorded what they themselves have heard without
addressing themselves either to censure or approbation.
1 See Note A at end.
[page 2] [p. 2] Now since
these various accounts are recorded in other pages, and since the setting forth
thereof would lead to prolixity, therefore what relates to the history of this
matter (sought out with the utmost diligence during the time of my travels in
all parts of Persia, whether far or near, from those without and those within,
from friends and strangers), and that whereon the disputants are agreed, shall
be briefly set forth in writing, so that a summary of the facts of the case may
be at the disposal of those who are athirst after the fountain of knowledge and
who seek to become acquainted with all events.
The Báb was a young merchant of the Pure
Lineage
1. He was born in the year one thousand two
hundred and thirty-five [A. H.] on the first day of
Mu
harram
2, and when after a few years his
father Seyyid Mu
hammad Rizá died, he was brought up in [p. 3.] Shíráz in
the arms of his maternal uncle Mírzá Seyyid 'Alí
3 the
merchant. On attaining maturity he engaged in trade in Bushire, first in
partnership with his maternal uncle and afterwards independently. On account of
what was observed in him he was noted for godliness, devoutness, virtue, and
piety, and was regarded in the sight of men as so
characterized.
1 i.e. a
Seyyid, or descendant of the family of the Prophet.
2 October 20th, 1819 A.D. Cf. B. ii, p. 993; and B. i, p.
517-511.
3 See Note B at
end.
[page 3] In the year one
thousand two hundred and sixty [A. H.], when he was in his twenty-fifth
year
1, certain signs became apparent in his conduct,
behaviour, manners, and demeanour whereby it became evident in Shíráz that he
had some conflict in his mind and some other flight beneath his wing. He began
to speak and to declare the rank of Báb-hood. Now what he intended by the term
Báb2 [Gate] was this, that he was the channel
of grace from some great [p. 4.] Person still behind the veil of glory, who was
the possessor of countless and boundless perfections, by whose will he moved,
and to the bond of whose love he clung. And in the first book which he wrote in
explanation of the
Súra of Joseph3, he
addressed himself in all passages to that Person unseen from whom he received
help and grace, sought for aid in the arrangement of His preliminaries, and
craved the sacrifice of life in the way of his love.
Amongst others is this sentence: '
O Remnant of
God4,
I am wholly sacrificed to Thee; I am
content 1 Jamádí-ul-Úlá
5th, 1260 A.H. (May 23rd, 1844 A.D.), is the date given by the Báb himself in
the Persian Beyán as that whereon his mission commenced. The texts
referred to will be found quoted in Note C at end. Cf. also B. i, pp.
507-508.
2 See Note D at
end.
3 Kur'an xii. See
Gobineau, pp. 146-147; Rosen MSS. Arabes, pp. 179-191; B. ii, pp.
904-909.
4 See Kazem-Beg ii, p. 486
and note.
[page 4]with curses in Thy way; I crave nought but to
be slain in Thy love; and God the Supreme sufficeth as an Eternal
Protection.'
He likewise composed a
number of works in explanation and elucidation of the verses of the [p. 5.]
Kur'án, of sermons, and of prayers in Arabic; inciting and urging men to
expect the appearance of that Person; and these books he named 'Inspired Pages'
and 'Word of Conscience.' But on investigation it was discovered that he laid no
claim to revelation from an angel.
Now since
he was noted amongst the people for lack of instruction and education, this
circumstance appeared in the sight of men supernatural. Some men inclined to
him, but the greater part manifested strong disapproval; whilst all the learned
doctors and lawyers of repute who occupied chairs, altars, and pulpits were
unanimously agreed on eradication and suppression, save some divines of the
Sheykhí
1 party who were anchorites and recluses, and
who, agreeably to their tenets, were ever seeking for some great, incomparable,
and trustworthy person, [p. 6.] whom they accounted, according to their own
terminology, as the '
Fourth Support'
2 and the
central
1 See
Gobineau, pp. 30-32; Kazem-Beg, pp. 457-464; B. ii, pp. 884-885 and pp. 888-892;
and Note E at end.
2 See Note E at
end.
[page 5]manifestation of the truths of the Perspicuous
Religion
1.
Of this
number Mullá
Huseyn of Bushraweyh, Mírzá A
hmad of Azghand, Mullá
Sádi
k '
Mukaddas' ['the Holy'], Sheykh Abú Turáb of
Ashtahárd, Mullá Yúsuf of Ardabíl, Mullá Jalíl of Urúmiyya, Mullá Mahdí of Kand,
Sheykh Sa'íd the Indian, Mullá 'Alí of Bis
tám, and the like of these came
out unto him and spread themselves through all parts of
Persia
2.
The Báb
himself set out to perform the circumambulation of the House of
God
3. On his return, when the news of his arrival at
Bushire reached Shíráz, there was much discussion, and a strange excitement and
agitation became apparent in that city. [p. 7.] The great majority of the
doctors set themselves to repudiate him, decreeing slaughter and destruction,
and they induced
Huseyn Khán
Ajúdán-báshí, who was the governor of
Fárs, to inflict a beating on the Báb's missionaries, that is on Mullá
Sádi
k '
Mukaddas'; then, having burnt his moustaches
and beard together with those of Mírzá Mu
hammad 'Alí of Bárfurúsh and
Mullá 'Alí Akbar of Ardistán,
1 i.e. the religion of Islám.
2 For a further account of some of these persons see Note F at
end.
3 i.e. the pilgrimage to Mecca.
See Kazem-Beg i, p. 344 and note; and also Note G at end.
[page 6]they put halters on all the three and led them
round the streets and bazaars.
Now since the
doctors of Persia have no administrative capacity, they thought that violence
and interference would cause extinction and silence and lead to suppression and
oblivion; whereas interference in matters of conscience causes stability and
firmness and attracts the attention of men's sight and souls; which fact has
received experimental proof many times and often. So this punishment caused
notoriety, [p. 8.] and most men fell to making enquiry.
The governor of Fárs, acting according to that which the doctors
deemed expedient, sent several horsemen
1, caused the
Báb to be brought before him, censured and blamed him in the presence of the
doctors and scholars, and loosed his tongue in the demand for reparation. And
when the Báb returned his censure and withstood him greatly, at a sign from the
president they struck him a violent blow, insulting and contemning [sic] him, in
such wise that his turban fell from his head and the mark of the blow was
apparent on his face. At the conclusion of the meeting they decided to take
counsel, and, on receiving bail and surety from His maternal uncle Hájí Seyyid
'Alí, sent him to his house forbidding him to hold intercourse with relations or
strangers.
1 See Note G at
end, and Kazem-Beg i, pp. 346-348.
[page 7] One day they summoned
him to the mosque urging and constraining him to recant, but he discoursed from
the pulpit in such wise as to silence and subdue those present and to stablish
and [p. 9.] strengthen his followers. It was then supposed that he claimed to be
the medium of grace from his Highness the Lord of the
Age
1 (upon him be peace); but afterwards it became
known and evident that his meaning was the Gate-hood [
Bábiyyat] of
another city and the mediumship of the graces of another person whose qualities
and attributes were contained in his books and treatises.
At all events, as has been mentioned, by reason of the doctors'
lack of experience and skill in administrative science, and the continual
succession of their decisions, comment was rife; and their interference with the
Báb cast a clamour throughout Persia, causing increased ardour in friends and
the coming forward of the hesitating. For by reason of these occurrences men's
interest increased, and in all parts of Persia some [of God's] servants inclined
[p. 10.] toward him, until the matter acquired such importance that the late
king Mu
hammad Sháh delegated a certain person named Seyyid Ya
hyá
of Dáráb
2, who was one of the best known of doctors
and Seyyids as well as an object of veneration and con-
1 See Kazem-Beg i, p. 345 and note.
2 See Note H at end.
[page 8]fidence, giving him a horse and money for the
journey so that he might proceed to Shíráz and personally investigate this
matter.
When the above-mentioned Seyyid
arrived at Shíráz he interviewed the Báb three times. In the first and second
conferences questioning and answering took place; in the third conference he
requested a commentary on the Súra called
Kawthar1, and when the Báb, without thought or
reflection, wrote an elaborate commentary on the
Kawthar in his presence,
the above-mentioned Seyyid was charmed and enraptured with him, and straightway,
without consideration for the future or anxiety about the results of this
affection, hastened to Burújird to [p. 11.] his father Seyyid Ja'far, known as
Kashfí, and acquainted him with the matter. And, although he was wise and
prudent and was wont to have regard to the requirements of the time, he wrote
without fear or care a detailed account of his observations to Mírzá Lu
tf
'Alí the chamberlain in order that the latter might submit it to the notice of
the late king, while he himself journeyed to all parts of Persia, and in every
town and station summoned the people from the pulpit-tops in such wise that
other learned doctors decided that he must be mad, accounting it a sure case of
bewitchment.
1
Kur'án, cviii.
[page 9] Now when the news of
the decisions of the doctors and the outcry and clamour of the lawyers reached
Zanján, Mullá Mu
hammad 'Alí the divine
1, who
was a man of mark possessed of penetrating speech, sent one of those on whom he
could rely to Shíráz to [p. 12.] investigate this matter. This person, having
acquainted himself with the details of these occurrences in such wise as was
necessary and proper, returned with some [of the Báb's] writings. When the
divine heard how matters were and had made himself acquainted with the writings,
notwithstanding that he was a man expert in knowledge and noted for profound
research, he went mad and became crazed as was predestined: he gathered up his
books in the lecture-room saying, "The season of spring and wine has arrived,"
and uttered this sentence:- "
Search for knowledge after reaching the known is
culpable." Then from the summit of the pulpit he summoned and directed all
his disciples [to embrace the doctrine], and wrote to the Báb his own
declaration and confession.
The Báb in his
reply signified to him the obligation of congregational prayer.
Although the doctors of Zanján arose with heart [p. 13.]
and soul to exhort and admonish the people they could effect nothing. Finally
they were compelled to
1
Full accounts of this remarkable man will be found in Gobineau (pp. 233-252) and
Kazem-Beg ii (pp. 198-224).
[page 10]go to Teherán and made their complaint before
the late king Mu
hammad Sháh, requesting that Mullá Mu
hammad 'Alí
might be summoned to Teherán. So the royal order went forth that he should
appear.
Now when he came to Teherán they
brought him before a conclave of the doctors; but, so they relate, after many
controversies and disputations naught was effected with him in that assembly.
The late king therefore bestowed on him a staff and fifty
túmáns1 for his expenses, and gave him
permission to return.
At all events, this
news being disseminated through all parts and regions of Persia, and several
proselytes [p. 14.] arriving in Fárs, the doctors perceived that the matter had
acquired importance, that the power to deal with it had escaped from their
hands, and that imprisonment, beating, tormenting, and contumely were fruitless.
So they signified to the governor of Fárs,
Huseyn Khán, "If thou desirest
the extinction of this fire, or seekest a firm stopper for this rent and
disruption, an immediate cure and decisive remedy is to kill the Báb. And the
Báb has assembled a great host and meditates a rising."
So
Huseyn Khán ordered 'Abdu'l-
Hamíd Khán the high
constable to attack the house of the Báb's
1 At the present time this would be equivalent to about Ł15,
but at the time referred to it would be considerably more - probably more than
Ł20.
[page 11]maternal uncle at midnight on all sides, and to
bring him and all his followers hand-cuffed. But 'Abdu'l-
hamíd Khán and
his hosts found no one in the house save the Báb, his maternal uncle, and Seyyid
Kázim of Zanján; and as it chanced that on that night the [p. 15.] sickness of
the plague and the extreme heat of the weather had compelled
Huseyn Khán
to flee, he released the Báb on condition of his quitting the
city
1.
On the
morning after that night the Báb with Seyyid Ká
zim of Zanján set out from
Shíráz for Isfahán. Before reaching Isfahán he wrote a letter to the
Mu'tamadu 'd-Dawla, the governor of the province, requesting a lodging in
some suitable place with the sanction of the government. The governor appointed
the mansion of the Imám-Jum'a. There he abode forty days; and one day, agreeably
to the request of the Imám, he wrote without reflection a commentary on [the
Súra of]
Wa'l-'Asr2 before the company.
When this news reached the
Mu'tamad he sought an interview with him and
questioned him concerning the 'Special Mission.' At that same interview an
answer proving the 'Special Mission' was written
3.
[p. 16.] The
Mu'tamid then gave
orders that all the doctors should assemble and dispute with him in one
1 See Note I at
end.
2 Kur'án, ciii.
3 See Note I at end.
[page 12]conclave, and that the discussion should be
faithfully recorded without alteration by the instrumentality of his private
secretary, in order that it might be sent to Teherán, and that whatever the
royal edict and decree should ordain might be carried out.
The doctors, however, considering this arrangement as a weakening
of the Law, did not agree, but held a conclave and wrote, "If there be doubt in
the matter there is need of assembly and discussion, but as this person's
disagreement with the most luminous Law is clearer than the sun therefore the
best possible thing is to put in practice the sentence of the Law."
The
Mu'tamad then desired to hold the
assembled conference in his own presence so that the actual truth might be
disclosed and hearts be at peace, but these learned doctors and honourable
scholars, [p. 17.] unwilling to bring the Perspicuous Law into contempt, did not
approve discussion and controversy with a young merchant, with the exception of
that most erudite sage Á
ká Mu
hammad Mahdí, and that eminent
Platonist Mírzá
Hasan of Núr
1. So the
conference terminated in questionings on certain points relating to the science
of fundamental dogma, and the elucidation and analysis of the doctrines of Mullá
Sadrá
2 So, as no conclusion was arrived at
1 Múrché-Khúr is the
second stage out from Isfahán on the north road, and is distant about 35 miles
therefrom.
2 For some account of this
great philosopher see Gobineau, pp. 80-90, and Note K at end.
[page 13]by the governor from this conference, the severe
sentence and harsh decision of the learned doctors was not carried out; but,
anxious to abate the great anxiety quickly and prevent a public tumult
effectually, he gave currency to a report that a decree had been issued ordering
the Báb to be sent to Teherán in order that some decisive settlement might be
arrived at, or that some courageous divine might be able to confute [him].
[p. 18.] He accordingly sent him forth from
Isfahán with a company of his own mounted body-guard; but when they reached
Múrché-Khúr
1 he gave secret orders for his return to
Isfahán, where he afforded him a refuge and asylum in his own roofed private
quarters
2; and not a soul save the confidential and
trusty dependents of the
Mu'tamad knew aught of the Báb.
A period of four months passed in this fashion, and the
Mu'tamad passed away to the mercy of God. Gurgín Khán, the
Mu'tamad's nephew, was aware of the Báb's being in the private
apartments, and represented the matter to the Prime Minister. Hájí Mírzá
Á
kásí, that celebrated minister, issued a decisive
1 See Note J at end.
2 The building to which the Báb was thus transferred is called
in the Táríkh-i-Jadíd 'the Royal Building of the Sun' (~~~). In the
Persian Beyán (Váhid ii, ch. 16) the Báb alludes to his
dwelling-place at Isfahán under the name of ~~~.
[page 14]command and gave instructions that they should
send the Báb secretly in disguise under the escort of
Nu
seyrí
1 horsemen to the capital.
[p. 19.] When he reached
Kinár-i-gird
2 a fresh order came from the Prime
Minister appointing the village of Kalín
3 as an abode
and dwelling-place. There he remained for a period of twenty days. After that,
the Báb forwarded a letter to the Royal Presence craving audience to set forth
the truth of his condition, expecting this to be a means for the attainment of
great advantages. The Prime Minister did not admit this, and made representation
to the Royal Presence:- "The royal cavalcade is on the point of starting, and to
engage in such matters as the present
1 The Nuseyrí religion is prevalent amongst many of the
ílyát or wandering tribes of Persia. An interesting account of the secret
doctrines and practices of this sect by one Suleymán Efendí al-Adhaní, who had
withdrawn himself from it subsequently to his initiation, has been published at
Beyrout under the title of [one line of Persian/Arabic script]. A very
comprehensive account of this work by E. E. Salisbury may be found in the
Journal of the American Oriental Society for 1866 (vol. viii, pp. 227-308). See
also de Sacy's Exposé de la Religion des Druzes, vol. ii, pp.
559-586.
2 A station on the old
Isfahán road (now abandoned for one more towards the west) distant about 28
miles from Teherán.
3 "Nom de la
premičre station que rencontre le voyageur en allant de Rey Khowar." Barbier
de Meynard, Dictionaire Géog. Hist. et Litt de la Perse (Paris,
1861).
[page 15]will conduce to the disruption of the kingdom.
Neither is there any doubt that the most notable doctors of the capital also
will behave after the fashion of the doctors of Isfahán, which thing will be the
cause of a popular outbreak, or that, according to [p. 20.] the religion of the
immaculate Imám, they will regard the blood of this Seyyid as of no account,
yea, as more lawful than mother's milk. The imperial train is prepared for
travel, neither is there hindrance or impediment in view. There is no doubt that
the presence of the Báb will be the cause of the gravest trouble and the
greatest mischief. Therefore, on the spur of the moment, the wisest plan is
this:- to place this person in the Castle of Mákú during the period of absence
of the royal train from the seat of the imperial throne, and to defer the
obtaining of an audience to the time of return."
Agreeably to this view a letter was issued addressed to the Báb in his
Majesty's own writing, and, according to the traditional account of the tenour
of this letter, the epitome thereof is this:-
(After the titles). "Since the royal train is on [p. 21.] the verge of departure
from Teherán, to meet in a befitting manner is impossible. Do you go to Mákú and
there abide and rest for a while, engaged in praying for our victorious state;
and we have arranged that under all circumstances they shall shew
[page 16]you attention and respect. When we return from
travel we will summon you specially."
After
this they sent him off with several mounted guards (amongst them Mu
hammad
Beg, the courier) to Tabríz and Mákú
1.
Besides this the followers of the Báb recount certain
messages conveyed [from him] by the instrumentality of Mu
hammad Beg
(amongst which was a promise to heal the foot of the late king, but on condition
of an interview, and the suppression of the tyranny of the majority), and the
Prime Minister's prevention of the conveyance of these letters to the Royal
Presence. For he himself laid claim to be a spiritual guide and was prepared to
perform [p. 22.] the functions of religious directorship. But others deny these
accounts.
At all events in the course of the
journey he wrote a letter to the Prime Minister saying, "You summoned me from
Isfahán to meet the doctors and for the attainment of a decisive settlement.
What has happened now that this excellent intention has been changed for Mákú
and Tabríz?"
Although he remained forty days
in the city of Tabríz the learned doctors did not condescend to approach him and
did not deem it right to meet him. Then they sent him off to the Castle of Mákú,
and for nine months lodged him in the inaccessible castle
1 See Note L at end.
[page 17]which is situated on the summit of that lofty
mountain. And 'Alí Khán of Mákú
1, because of his
excessive love for the family of the Prophet, paid him such attention as was
possible, and gave permission [to some persons] to converse with him.
[p. 23.] Now when the accomplished divines
of Ázarbaiján perceived that in all the parts round about Tabríz it was as
though the last day had come by reason of the excessive clamour, they requested
the government to punish the [Báb's] followers, and to remove the Báb to the
Castle of Chihrí
k. So they sent him to that castle and consigned him to
the keeping of Ya
hyá Khán the Kurd[footnote 1].
Glory be to God! Notwithstanding these decisions of great doctors
and reverend lawyers, and severe punishments and reprimands - beatings,
banishments, and imprisonments - on the part of governors, this sect was daily
on the increase, and the discussion and disputation was such that in meetings
and assemblies in all parts of Persia there was no conversation but on this
topic. Great was the commotion which arose: the doctors of the Perspicuous
Religion [p. 24.] were lamenting, the common folk clamorous and agitated, and
the Friends rejoicing and applauding.
But
the Báb himself attached no importance to this uproar and tumult, and, alike on
the road and in the castles of Mákú and Chihrí
k, evening and
1 See Note L at
end.
[page 18]morning, nay, day and night, in extremest
rapture and amazement, he would restrict himself to repeating and meditating on
the qualities and attributes of that absent-yet-present, regarded-and-regarding
Person of his
1. Thus he makes a mention of him whereof
this is the purport:-
"Though the ocean of
woe rageth on every side, and the bolts of fate follow in quick succession, and
the darkness of griefs and afflictions invade soul and body, yet is my heart
brightened by the remembrance of Thy countenance and my soul is as a rose-garden
from the perfume of Thy nature."
In short,
after he had remained for three months in the Castle of Chihrí
k, the
eminent doctors of [p. 25.] Tabríz and scholars of Ázarbaiján wrote to Teherán
and demanded a severe punishment in regard to the Báb for the intimidation and
frightening of the people. When the Prime Minister Hájí Mírzá Á
kásí
beheld the ferment and clamour of the learned doctors in all districts of
Persia, he perforce became their accomplice and ordered him to be brought from
Chihrí
k to
1 As I
have pointed out in another place (B. ii, pp. 924-927), one of the most striking
features of the Persian Beyán, composed by the Báb during his imprisonment at
Mákú (which he repeatedly alludes to as 'the mountain of M'~~~), is the
continual reference to 'Him whom God shall manifest' (~~~), whose
precursor the Báb considered himself to be. The work translated by Gobineau
(op. cit. p. 461 et seq.) under the title of Livre des
Préceptes also affords ample evidence of this.
[page 19]Tabríz. In the course of his transit by Urúmiyya
the governor of the district
kásim Mírzá treated him with extraordinary
deference, and a strange flocking together of high and low was apparent. These
conducted themselves with the utmost
respectfulness
1.
When the Báb reached Tabríz they brought him after some days before the
government tribunal. Of the learned doctors the Ni
zámu 'l-'Ulamá, Mullá
Mu
hammad Mámá
kání, Mírzá A
hmad the
Imám-
1 Dr Wright of the
American Mission at Urúmiyya wrote a brief account of the Báb and his sect which
was communicated by Mr Perkins to the German Oriental Society and published in
their transactions for the year 1851. This account, dated March 31st, 1851,
fully confirms the statement here made. After describing briefly the rise of the
sect, the arrest of the Báb, his imprisonment at Mákú (... "a remote district
six days' journey from Urúmiyya situated on the Turkish frontier"), his
transference to Chihrík (... "near Salmás, only two days' journey from
Urúmiyya"), and the conflicts between the Bábís and the orthodox party,
especially in Mázandarán, he says:- "Die Sache wurde so ernsthaft, dass die
Regierung den Befehl erliess, den Sectenstifter nach Tabrîz zu bringen und ihm
die Bastonade zu geben, seine Schüler aber überall, wo man sie fände,
aufzugreifen und mit Geld- und Körperstrafen zu belegen. Auf dem Wege nach
Tabrîz wurde Bâb nach Orumia gebracht, wo ihn der Statthalter mit besonderer
Aufmerksamkeit behandelte und viele Personen die Erlaubniss erhielten, ihn zu
besuchen. Bei einer Gelegenheit war eine Menge Leute bei ihm, und wie der
Statthalter nachher bemerkte, waren diese alle geheimnissvoll bewegt und brachen
in Thränen aus." (Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen
Gesellschaft, vol. v, pp. 384-385.)
[page 20][p. 26.] Jum'a, Mírzá 'Alí A
sghar the
Sheykhu 'l-Islám, and several other divines were
present
1. They asked concerning the claims of the Báb.
He advanced the claim of Mahdí-hood; whereon a mighty tumult arose. Eminent
doctors in overwhelming might compassed him on all sides, and such was the onset
of orthodoxy that it had been no great wonder if a mere youth had not withstood
the mountain of Elburz. They demanded proof. Without hesitation he recited
texts, saying, "This is the permanent and most mighty proof." They criticised
his grammar. He adduced arguments from the
Kur'án, setting forth
therefrom instances of similar infractions of the rules of grammar. So the
assembly broke up and the Báb returned to his own dwelling.
The heaven-cradled Crown-Prince
2
was at that [p. 27.] time governor of Ázarbaiján. He pronounced no sentence with
regard to the Báb, nor did he desire to interfere with him. The doctors,
however, considered it advisable at least to inflict a severe chastisement, and
beating was decided on. But none of the corps of
farráshes3 would agree to become the
instruments of the infliction of this punishment. So Mírzá 'Alí A
sghar
the Sheykhu 'l-Islám, who was one of the
1 See Note M at end.
2 Násiru'd-Dín, the present king of Persia.
3 The farrásh (literally carpet-spreader)
is the lictor of the East.
[page 21]noble Seyyids, brought him to his own house and
applied the rods with his own hand. After this they sent the Báb back to
Chihrí
k and subjected him to a strict confinement.
Now when the news of this beating, chastisement, imprisonment, and
rigour reached all parts of Persia, learned divines and esteemed lawyers who
were possessed of power and influence girt up the loins of endeavour for the
eradication and suppression of this sect, exerting their utmost efforts
therefor. And [p. 28.] they wrote notice of their decision, to wit "that this
person and his followers are in absolute error and are hurtful to Church and
State." And since the governors in Persia enjoyed the fullest authority, in some
provinces they followed this decision and united in uprooting and dispersing the
Bábís. But the late King Mu
hammad Sháh
1 acted
with deliberation in this matter, reflecting, "This youth is of the Pure Lineage
and of the family of him addressed with '
were it not for
thee2 .' So long as no offen-
1 For an admirable sketch of the characters of
this monarch and his minister Hájí Mírzá Ákásí, see Gobineau, pp.
160-166. Concerning the latter see also Watson's History of Persia, p.
288.
2 See note 1 at foot of p. 2. In
a very well-known tradition God is said to have addressed the Prophet
Muhammad as follows:- [half a line of Persian/Arabic script]
'Were it not for thee I had not created the heavens.' Hence "the family
of him addressed with 'were it not for thee'" means simply the
[footnote goes onto page 22] descendants of the Prophet, amongst whom the
Báb, in his capacity of Seyyid, must be reckoned.
[page 22]sive actions which are incompatible with the
public peace and well-being proceed from him, the government should not
interfere with him." And whenever the learned doctors appealed to him from the
surrounding districts, he either gave no answer, or else commanded them to act
with deliberation.
Notwithstanding this,
between eminent doctors [p. 29.] and illustrious scholars and those learned
persons who were followers of the Báb opposition, discussion, and strife did so
increase that in some provinces they desired [to resort to] mutual imprecation;
and for the governors of the provinces, too, a means of acquiring gain was
produced, so that great tumult and disturbance arose. And since the malady of
the gout had violently attacked the king's foot and occupied his world-ordering
thought, the good judgment of the Chief Minister, the famous Háji Mírzá
Á
kásí
1, became the pivot of the conduct of
affairs, and his incapacity and lack of resource became apparent as the sun. For
every hour he formed a new opinion and gave a new order: at one moment he would
seek to support the decision of the doctors, accounting the eradication and
suppression of the Bábís as necessary: at another time he would charge the [p.
30.] doctors with aggressiveness, regarding undue inter-
1 See note 1 at foot of preceding
page.
[page 23]ference as contrary to justice: at another time
he would become a mystic and say, '
All these voices are from the
King1,' or repeat with his tongue, '
Moses is at
war with Moses2,' or recite, '
This is nought
but Thy 1 The distich
of which this is the first hemistich is a great favourite with the Súfís. It
occurs in the first book of the Masnavi of Jalálu'd-Dín Rúmí in the 8th
story (Story of the Harper). Different editions present considerable variants in
the first hemistich, and in no one of the four which I have consulted does it
stand as here quoted. In the Bombay edition of A. H. 1290 (p. 50, l. 20), the
Teherán edition of A. H. 1299 known as 'Alá'ud-Dawla's (p. 51, l. 4), and a
Constantinople edition of the first book published in A. H. 1288 (p. 77, l. 20)
the entire couplet stands as follows:
[one line of Persian/Arabic script]
"Indeed that voice is
really from the King
Although [apparently] it is from the throat of 'Abdu
'lláh."
The English reader may consult Redhouse's versified translation
of Book i of the Masnaví, p. 141, first two lines.
2 This quotation is also from the Masnaví
[Teherán edition of 'Alá'ud-Dawla, p. 65, l. 27; Bombay edition, p. 63, l. 16].
The couplet stands in both as follows:-
[one line of Persian/Arabic
script]
"When Colourlessness became the captive of
colour
A Moses is at war with a Moses."
Redhouse's version will be found on p. 180 of his work above
quoted, first two lines. A complete treatise on the mysticism of the Súfís might
be written on this text, which is pretty fully discussed in Hájí Mullá Hádí's
excellent commentary on the Masnaví (Teherán edition of A.H. 1285, p. 68
and also in a marginal note in 'Alá'ud-Dawla's Teherán edition (loc.
cit.). In brief the meaning is this:- that strife and contest [footnote
goes onto page 24] arise from the imprisonment of the One Absolute
Undifferentiated Being ('Colourlessness') in the phantasmal appearances
('colours') of the World of Plurality. So Jámí says at the close of a
very beautiful passage:- [Two lines of Persian/Arabic script] "All
this tumult and strife in the world are from love of Him; It hath become known
at this time that the source of the strife is One."
[page 24]trial1.' In
short this changeable minister, by reason of his mismanagement of important
matters and failure to control and order the affairs of the community, so acted
that disturbance and clamour arose from all quarters and directions: the most
notable and influential of the doctors ordered the common folk to molest the
followers of the Báb, and a general onslaught took place. More especially when
the claim of Mahdí-hood
2 reached the hearing of
eminent divines and profound doctors they began to make lamentation and to cry
and complain from their [p. 31.] pulpits, saying, "one of the essentials of
religion and of the authentic traditions transmitted from the holy Imáms, nay,
the chief basis of the foundations of the church of His Highness
Ja'far
3, is the Occultation
1 Kur'án vii, 154.
2 See note N at end, and p. 20.
3 The Imám Ja'far-i-Sádik, as he is commonly
called, was, according to the Shi'ite faith, the sixth of the twelve Imáms,
[footnote goes onto page 25] and succeeded his father, the Imám
Muhammad Bákir, who was the fifth Imám. Why the Shi'ites should
speak of him as in some sort the founder of their church is explained thus in a
work called ~~~ ("Tenets of the Shi'ites") published in Teherán:- "Since
His Holiness [the Imám Ja'far] lived at the end of the Omayyad and the beginning
of the 'Abbásid dynasty and these two families were in conflict with one
another, he tranquilly engaged in expounding the ordinances of God; therefore do
men refer the religion to him, since he gave currency to the true
doctrines."
[page 25]of the immaculate twelfth Imám (upon both of
them be peace). What has happened to Jábul
ká
1?
Where has Jábulsá gone? What was the Minor Occultation? What has become of the
Major Occultation? What are the sayings of
Huseyn ibn Rú
h, and
what
1 For the explanation
of this and the subsequent points of Shi'ite belief alluded to in this passage
see Note O at end. The general tenour of the argument here put in the mouths of
the Shi'ite doctors is this:- "That certain prodigies and marvellous signs shall
usher in the advent of the Imám Mahdí is an essential doctrine of our faith
sufficiently confirmed and established by authentic traditions. If we believe
this, then we must reject the Báb's claim to be the promised Mahdí, since these
signs have not been witnessed: in which case it behoves us to inflict on him the
severest punishment. If, on the other hand, we admit the Báb's claim, we thereby
renounce our religion and become neither Sunnís nor Shí'as; unless, indeed, we
take the view of the Bábís that these signs are to be understood metaphorically,
that no literal fulfilment of them is to be looked for, and that to substantiate
a claim to Mahdí-hood only two things are necessary - that the claimant should
belong to the family of the Prophet, and that he should be able to produce
revealed verses similar to those in the Kur'án." Concerning this view of
the Bábís see B. ii, pp. 915-918.
[page 26]the tradition of Ibn Mihriyár? What shall we
make of the flight of the Guardians and the Helpers? How shall we deal with the
conquest of the East and the West? Where is the Ass of Antichrist? When will the
appearance of the Sofyán be? Where are the signs which are in the traditions of
the Holy Family? Where is that whereon the Victorious Church is agreed? The
matter is not outside one of two alternatives:- either we must repudiate the
traditions of [p. 32.] the Holy Imáms, grow wearied of the Church of Ja'far, and
account the clear indications of the Imám as disturbed dreams; or, in accordance
with the primary and subsidiary doctrines of the Faith and the essential and
explicit declarations of the most luminous Law, we must consider the
repudiation, nay, the destruction of this person as our chief duty. If so be
that we shut our eyes to these authentic traditions and obvious doctrines
universally admitted, no remnant will endure of the fundamental basis of the
Church of the immaculate Imám: we shall neither be Sunnites, nor shall we be of
the prevalent sect
1 to continue awaiting the promised
Saint and believing in the begotten Mahdí. Otherwise we must regard as
admissible the opening of the Gate of Saintship, and consider that He Who is to
arise
2 of the family of Mu
hammad possesses two
signs:- the first condition,
1 i.e. of the Shi'ite church dominant in Persia.
2 i.e. the Imám-Mahdí. See Note O at
end.
[page 27]Holy Lineage; the second, [that he is divinely]
fortified with brilliant verses. What can we do with these thousand-year-old
beliefs of the delivered band of [p. 33.] the Shi'ites, or what shall we say
concerning their profound doctors and pre-eminent divines? Were all these in
error? Did they journey in the vale of transgression? What an evidently false
assertion is this!
By God, this is a thing to break the back! O people,
extinguish this fire and forget these words! Alas! woe to our Faith, woe to our
Law!"
Thus did they make complaint in
mosques and chapels, in pulpits and congregations.
But the Bábí chiefs composed treatises against them, and set in order
replies according to their own thought
1. Were these to
be discussed in detail it would conduce to prolixity, and our object is the
statement of history, not of arguments for believing or rejecting; but of some
of the replies the gist is this:- that they held the Proof as supreme, and the
[p. 34.] evidence as outweighing traditions, considering
the
1 Amongst the
controversial works of the Bábís may be mentioned especially the ~~~ (Seven
Proofs) composed by the Báb himself about the year A.H. 1264-5 (A.D. 1848-49)
during his imprisonment at Mákú, and the ~~~ (Assurance) composed by Behá'u'lláh
in Baghdad in the year A.H. 1278 (A.D. 1861-62). For a brief abstract of the
former see B. ii, pp. 912-918: for specimens of the latter carefully and
judiciously selected see Rosen's MSS. Persans, pp. 32-51, and for some
account of the work see B. ii, pp. 944-948.
[page 28]former as the root and the latter as the branch,
and saying, "If the branch agree not with the root it serves not as an argument
and is unworthy of reliance; for the reported consequence has no right to oppose
itself to the established principle, and cannot argue against it." Indeed in
such cases they regarded interpretation as the truth of revelation and the
essence of true exegesis
1: thus, for instance, they
interpreted the sovereignty of the
Ká'im as a mystical
sovereignty, and his conquests as conquests of the cities of hearts, adducing in
support of this the meekness and defeat of the Chief of
Martyrs
2 (may the life of all being be a sacrifice for
him). For he was the true manifestation of the blessed verse '
And verily our
host shall overcome for them3,' yet,
notwithstanding this, he quaffed the cup of martyrdom with perfect [p. 35.]
meekness, and, at the very moment of uttermost defeat, triumphed over his
enemies and became the most mighty of the troops of the Supreme Host. Similarly
they regarded the numerous writings which, in spite of his lack of education,
the Báb had composed, as due to the promptings of the Holy Spirit; extracted
from books contrary sayings handed down by men of mark; adduced traditions
apparently agreeing with their objects; and clung to the
an-
1 See Rosen's MSS.
Persans, p. 36, and B. ii, pp. 915-916.
2 Huseyn, son of 'Alí, the third Imám.
3 Kur'án xxxvii, 173.
[page 29]nouncements of certain notables of yore. They
also considered the conversion of austere and recluse doctors and eminent
votaries of the Perspicuous Religion [of Islám] as a valid
proof
1, deemed the steadfastness and constancy of the
Báb a most mighty sign
2, and related miracles and the
like; which things, being altogether foreign to our purpose, we have [p. 36.]
passed by with brevity, and will now proceed with our original topic.
At the time of these events certain persons
appeared amongst the Bábís who had a strange ascendancy and appearance in the
eyes of this sect. Amongst these was Mírzá Mu
hammad 'Alí of Mázandarán,
who was the disciple of the illustrious Seyyid (may God exalt his station) Hájí
Seyyid Ká
zim of Rasht, and who was the associate and companion of the Báb
in his pilgrimage journey. After a while certain manners and states issued from
him such that all, acting with absolute confidence, considered obedience to him
as an impregnable stronghold, so that even Mullá
Huseyn of Bushraweyh,
who was the leader of all and the arbiter appealed to alike by the noble and the
humble of this sect, used to behave in his presence with great humility and with
the self-abasement of a lowly
servant
3.
1 See Rosen's MSS. Persans, p. 41.
2 Ibid, p. 43.
3
This statement is confirmed by the Táríkh-i-Jadíd.
[page 30] This personage set
himself to exalt the word of [p. 37.] the Báb with the utmost steadfastness, and
the Báb did full justice to speech in praising and glorifying him, accounting
his uprising as an assistance from the Unseen. In delivery and
style
1 he was '
evident magic,' and in firmness
and constancy superior to all. At length in the year [A.H.] 1265 at the sentence
of the chief of lawyers the Sa'ídu 'l-'Ulamá the chief divine of Bárfurúsh, he
yielded his head and surrendered his life amidst extremest clamour and
outcry
2.
And
amongst them was she who was entitled
Kurratu 'l-'Ayn the daughter of
Hájí Mullá
Sálih., the sage of
Kazvín, the erudite doctor. She,
according to what is related, was skilled in diverse arts, amazed the
understandings and thoughts of the most eminent masters by her eloquent
dissertations on the exegesis and tradition of the Perspicuous
Book
3, and was a mighty sign in the doctrines of the
glorious Sheykh of A
hsá
4. At the Supreme
Shrines
5[p. 38.] she borrowed light on matters divine
from the lamp
1 Of the
writings of Mullá Muhammad 'Alí (called ~~~ from the title - ~~~ - borne
by their author amongst his co-religionists) six pieces occupying in all 39
pages are contained in a MS. in my possession.
2 See Note P at end.
3 The
Kur'án.
4 Sheykh Ahmad
Ahsá'í the founder of the Sheykhí school of theology, concerning which
see Note E at end.
5 Kerbelá and
Nejef.
[page 31]of Ká
zim
1, and
freely sacrificed her life in the way of the Báb. She discussed and disputed
with the doctors and sages, loosing her tongue to establish her doctrine. Such
fame did she acquire that most people who were scholars or mystics sought to
hear her speech and were eager to become acquainted with her powers of
speculation and deduction. She had a brain full of tumultuous ideas, and
thoughts vehement and restless. In many places she triumphed over the
contentious, expounding the most subtle questions. When she was imprisoned in
the house of [Ma
hmúd] the
Kalántar of
Teherán
2, and the festivities and rejoicings of a
wedding were going on, the wives of the city magnates who were present as guests
were so charmed [p. 39.] with the beauty of her speech that, forgetting the
festivities, they gathered round her, diverted by listening to her words from
listening to the melodies, and rendered indifferent by witnessing her marvels to
the contemplation of the pleasant and novel sights which are incidental to a
wedding. In short in elocution she was the calamity of the age, and in
ratiocination the trouble of the world. Of fear or timidity there was no trace
in her heart, nor had the admonitions of the kindly-disposed any profit
1 Hájí Seyyid Kázim
of Resht, the pupil and successor of Sheykh Ahmad and the Teacher of the
Báb. See Note E at end.
2 See
Gobineau, pp. 292-295; Kazem-Beg i, p. 522 and note, and ii, p. 249; and
Eastwick's Diplomate's Residence in Persia, vol. i, p.
288-290.
[page 32]or fruit for her. Although she was of [such as
are] damsels [meet] for the bridal bower, yet she wrested pre-eminence from
stalwart men, and continued to strain the feet of steadfastness until she
yielded up her life at the sentence of the mighty doctors in Teherán. But were
we to occupy ourselves with these details the matter would end in
prolixity
1.
Well,
Persia was in this critical state and the learned doctors perplexed and anxious,
when the [p. 40.] late Prince Mu
hammad Sháh
died
2, and the throne of sovereignty was adorned with
the person of the new monarch. Mírzá Ta
kí Khán
Amír-Nizám,
who was Prime Minister and Chief Regent, seized in the grasp of his despotic
power the reins of the affairs of the commonwealth, and urged the steed of his
ambition into the arena of wilfulness and sole possession. This minister was a
person devoid of experience and wanting in consideration for the consequences of
actions; bloodthirsty and shameless; and swift and ready to shed
blood
3. Severity in
1 For some further account of Kurratu'l-'Ayn see
Note Q at end.
2 September 4th, 1848.
See Watson's History, p. 354.
3
This is by no means the light in which Mírzá Takí Khán is regarded by
most historians. See especially the encomiums bestowed on him by Watson
(History of Persia from the beginning of the Nineteenth Century, &ct.
p. 364 and p. 404). Compare also Lady Sheil's Diary, pp. 248-253. Yet his
cruelty towards the Báb and his followers goes far to justify their opinion of
him, and at least fully explains the fact that they [footnote goes onto page
33] regard the cruel fate which befel him at the hands of the king as a
signal instance of Divine vengeance. See Gobineau, p. 253-254.
[page 33]punishing he regarded as wise administration,
and harshly entreating, distressing, intimidating, and frightening the people he
considered as a fulcrum for the advancement of the monarchy. And as His Majesty
the King was in the prime of youthful years [p. 41.] the minister fell into
strange fancies and sounded the drum of absolutism in [the conduct of] affairs:
on his own decisive resolution, without seeking permission from the Royal
Presence or taking counsel with prudent statesmen, he issued orders to persecute
the Bábís, imagining that by overweening force he could eradicate and suppress
matters of this nature, and that harshness would bear good fruit; whereas [in
fact] to interfere with matters of conscience is simply to give them greater
currency and strength; the more you strive to extinguish the more will the flame
be kindled, more especially in matters of faith and religion, which spread and
acquire influence so soon as blood is shed, and strongly affect men's hearts.
These things have been put to the proof, and the greatest proof is this very
transaction. Thus [p. 42.] they relate that the possessions of a certain Bábí in
Káshán were plundered, and his household scattered and dispersed. They stripped
him naked and scourged him, defiled his beard, mounted him face backwards
[page 34]on an ass, and paraded him through the streets
and bazaars with the utmost cruelty, to the sound of drums, trumpets, guitars,
and tambourines. A certain guebre
1 who knew absolutely
nought of the world or its denizens chanced to be seated apart in a corner of a
caravansaray. When the clamour of the people rose high he hastened into the
street, and, becoming cognizant of the offence and the offender, and the cause
of his public disgrace and punishment in full detail, he fell to making search,
and that very day entered the society of the Bábís, saying, "This very ill-usage
and public humiliation is a proof of [p. 43.] truth and the very best of
arguments. Had it not been thus it might have been that a thousand years would
have passed ere one like me became informed."
At all events the minister with the utmost arbitrariness, without
receiving any instructions or asking permission, sent forth commands in all
directions to punish and chastise the Bábís. Governors and magistrates sought a
pretext for amassing wealth, and officials a means of [acquiring] profits;
celebrated doctors from the summits of their pulpits incited men to make a
general onslaught; the powers of the
1 It is almost unnecessary to remark that the word guebre
(more correctly gabr) is always used in a contemptuous if not in an
offensive sense. It is never used by the Zoroastrians in speaking of
themselves.
[page 35]religious and the civil law linked hands and
strove to eradicate and destroy this people.
Now this people had not yet acquired such knowledge as was right and needful of
the fundamental principles and hidden doctrines of the Báb's teachings, and did
not recognise their duties. Their conceptions and ideas were after the former
fashion, and [p. 44.] their conduct and behaviour in correspondence with ancient
usage. The way of approach to the Báb was, moreover, closed, and the flame of
trouble visibly blazing on every side. At the decree of the most celebrated of
the doctors, the government, and indeed the common people, had, with
irresistible power, inaugurated rapine and plunder on all sides, and were
engaged in punishing and torturing, killing and despoiling, in order that they
might quench this fire and wither these [poor] souls. In towns where these were
but a limited number all of them with bound hands became food for the sword,
while in cities where they were numerous they arose in self-defence agreeably to
their former beliefs, since it was impossible for them to make enquiry as to
their duty, and all doors were closed.
[p.
45.] In Mázandarán amongst other places the people of the city of Bárfurúsh at
the command of the chief of lawyers the Sa'ídu'l-'Ulamá made a general attack on
Mullá
Huseyn of Bushraweyh and his followers, and slew six or seven
persons. They were busy compassing
[page 36]the destruction of the rest also when Mullá
Huseyn ordered the
azán1 to be sounded
and stretched forth his hand to the sword, whereupon all sought flight, and the
nobles and lords coming before him with the utmost penitence and deference
agreed that he should be permitted to depart. They further sent with them as a
guard Khusraw of
Kádí-kalá with horsemen and footmen, so that, according
to the terms of the agreement, they might go forth safe and protected from the
territory of Mázandarán. When they, being ignorant of the fords and paths, had
emerged from the city, Khusraw dispersed his horsemen and footmen and set them
in ambush in the [p. 46.] forest of Mázandarán, scattered and separated the
Bábís in that forest on the road and off the road, and began to hunt them down
singly. When the reports of muskets arose on every side the hidden secret became
manifest, and several wanderers and other persons were suddenly slain with
bullets. Mullá
Huseyn ordered the a
zán
1
to be sounded to assemble his scattered followers, while Mírzá
Lu
tf-'Alí
2 the secretary drew his dagger and
ripped open Khusraw's vitals. Of Khusraw's host some were slain and others
wandered distractedly over the field
1 The call to prayer.
2
According to the Táríkh-i-Jadíd it was a Bábí named Mírzá Muhammad
Takí who, exasperated by Khusraw's insolences towards Mullá Huseyn
slew the treacherous guide.
[page 37]of battle. Mullá
Huseyn quartered his
host in a fort near the burial-place of Sheykh
tabarsí
1, and, being aware of the wishes of the
community, relaxed [p. 47.] and interrupted the march. This detachment was
subsequently further reinforced by Mírzá Mu
hammad 'Alí of Mázandarán with
a number of other persons, so that the garrison of the fort numbered three
hundred and thirteen souls. Of these, however, all were not capable of fighting,
only one hundred and ten persons being prepared for war. Most of them were
doctors or students whose companions had been during their whole life books and
treatises; yet, in spite of the fact that they were unaccustomed to war or to
the blows of shot and sword, four times were camps and armies arrayed against
them and they were attacked and hemmed in with cannons, muskets, and
bomb-shells, and on all four occasions they inflicted defeat, while the army was
completely routed and dispersed
2. On the occasion of
the fourth defeat
1 The
tomb of Sheykh tabarsí - ever memorable for the gallant defence of the
Bábís - is situated about fourteen miles SE. of Bárfurúsh and can only be
reached by traversing swampy rice-fields and dense forests which in wet weather
must be almost impassable. I visited the spot on September 26th 1888, and could
perceive no trace of the strong ramparts described by the Musulmán historians
and by Gobineau as having been erected by the Bábís.
2 Kazem-Beg enumerates four sorties made by the Bábís, of
which the first three were successful, although in the second Mullá
Huseyn was killed. Kazem-Beg's second sortie there-[footnote
goes onto page 38]fore corresponds to the fourth Bábí victory
mentioned above. Considerable confusion exists as to the successive incidents of
the siege, but after comparing the different accounts and especially that of the
Táríkh-i-Jadíd I should suppose the four successes here alluded to to be
as follows:- (1) Rout of some of the comrades of the deceased Khusraw who
attacked the Bábís some three weeks after they had taken up their quarters at
Sheykh tabarsí. (2) Repulse of a larger force of local volunteers and
sack of Faráhil (Kazem-Beg i, p. 491-492; Gobineau, p. 197-199). (3) Surprise of
Mahdí-Kulí Mírzá and rout of his troops with great loss (Kazem-Beg i, p.
495-499; Gobineau, p. 201-206). (4) The successful sortie wherein Mullá
Huseyn's gallant career was brought to a close in the very hour of
victory (Kazem-Beg i, p. 499-504; Gobineau, p. 210-215).
[page 38]'Abbás-
Kulí Khán of Láríján was captain
of the forces and Prince Mahdí-
Kulí Mírzá commander in the camp. [p. 48.]
The Khán above mentioned used at nights to conceal and hide himself in disguise
amongst the trees of the forest outside the camp, while during the day he was
present in the encampment. The last battle took place at night and the army was
routed. The Bábís fired the tents and huts, and night became bright as day. The
foot of Mullá
Huseyn's horse caught in a noose, for he was riding, the
others being on foot. 'Abbás-
Kulí Khán recognized him from the top of a
tree afar off, and with his own hand discharged several bullets. At the third
shot he threw him from his feet. He was borne by his followers to the fort, and
there they buried him. Notwithstanding this event [the troops] could not
[page 39]prevail by superior force. At length the Prince
made a treaty and covenant, and sware by the Holy Imáms, confirming his oath by
vows plighted on the [p. 49.]glorious
Kur'án, to this effect: "You shall
not be molested; return to your own places." Since their provisions had for some
time been exhausted, so that even of the skins and bones of horses naught
remained, and they had subsisted for several days on pure water, they agreed.
When they arrived at the army food was prepared for them in a place outside the
camp. They were engaged in eating, having laid aside their weapons and armour,
when the soldiers fell on them on all sides and slew them all. Some have
accounted this valour displayed by these people as a thing miraculous, but when
a band of men are besieged in some place where all avenues and roads are stopped
and all hope of deliverance is cut off they will assuredly defend themselves
desperately [p. 50.] and display bravery and courage.
In Zanján and Níríz likewise at the decree of erudite doctors and
notable lawyers a bloodthirsty military force attacked and besieged. In Zanján
the chief was Mullá Mu
hammad 'Alí the
mujtahid, while in Níríz
Seyyid Ya
hyá of Dáráb was the leader and
arbiter
1. At first they sought to bring about a
1 For full accounts of the
siege of Zanján see Gobineau, p. 233-254; Kazem-Beg ii, p. 196-224; and compare
Watson, p. 387-392; Lady Sheil's Diary, p. 181. Kazem-Beg alone of
[footnote goes onto page 40] these four authorities gives an account of
the events at Níríz (ii, p. 224-239), but, as it appears to me, he deals very
unjustly with the character of Seyyid Yahyá of Dáráb. This much at least
is certain, that the Bábís still regard him as one of their saints, which at any
rate shews that they entertain no doubts either of his sincerity or his loyalty.
See Note H at end.
[page 40]reconciliation, but, meeting with cruel
ferocity, they reached the pitch of desperation; and, the overpowering force of
the victorious troops having cut off every passage of flight, they unclosed
their hands in resistance. But although they were very strong in battle and
amazed the chiefs of the army by their steadfastness and endurance, the
overwhelming military force closed the passage of flight and broke [p. 51.]
their wings and feathers. After numerous battles they too at last yielded to
covenants and compacts, oaths and promises, vows registered on the
Kur'án, and the wonderful stratagems of the officers, and were all put to
the edge of the sword.
Were we to occupy
ourselves in detail with the wars of Níríz and Zanján, or to set forth these
events from beginning to end, this epitome would become a bulky volume. So,
since this would be of no advantage to history, we have passed them over
briefly.
During the course of the events
which took place at Zanján the Prime Minister devised a final and trenchant
remedy. Without the royal command, without consulting with the ministers of the
subject-
[page 41]protecting court, he, acting with arbitrary
disposition, fixed determination, and entirely on his own authority, issued
commands to put the Báb to death. This [p. 52.] befel in brief as follows. The
governor of Ázarbaiján, Prince
hamzé Mírzá, was unwilling that the
execution of this sentence should be at his hands
1,
and said to the brother of the Amír, Mírzá
Hasan Khán, "This is a vile
business and an easy one; anyone is capable and competent. I had imagined that
His Excellency the Regent would commission me to make war on the Afghans or
Uzbegs or appoint me to attack and invade the territory of Russia or Turkey." So
Mírzá
Hasan Khán wrote his excuse in detail to the Amír.
Now the Seyyid Báb had disposed all his affairs before
setting out from Chihrí
k towards Tabríz, had placed his writings and even
his ring and pen-case in a specially prepared box, put the key of the box in an
envelope, and sent it by means of Mullá Bá
kir, who was one of his first
associates, to Mullá 'Abdu'l-[p. 53.]Karím of
Kazvín
2. This trust Mullá Bá
kir
delivered
1 According to
Gobineau (p. 259 et seq.), however, hamzé Mírzá took the leading
part in the examination and condemnation of the Báb.
2 Mullá 'Abdu'l-Karím was also known amongst the Bábís by the
name of Mírzá Ahmad-i-Kátib (the Scribe), inasmuch as he acted as
amanuensis to the Báb and later to Mírzá Yahyá,
Subh-i-Ezel. He was one of the twenty-eight victims put to death
in August 1852 in Teherán, and fell by the hands [footnote goes onto page
42] of the artillerymen, apparently without having undergone previous
torture which he had much feared and wherefrom he had prayed frequently to be
delivered.
[page 42]over to Mullá 'Abdu'l-Karím at
Kum in
presence of a numerous company. At the solicitations of those present he opened
the lid of the box and said, "I am commanded to convey this trust to
Behá'u'lláh: more than this ask not of me, for I cannot tell you." Importuned by
the company, he produced a long epistle in blue, penned in the most graceful
manner with the utmost delicacy and firmness in a beautiful minute
shikasta hand, written in the shape of a man so closely that it would
have been imagined that it was a single wash of ink on the
paper
1. When they had read this epistle [they
perceived that] he had produced three hundred and sixty derivatives from the
word
Behá. Then Mullá 'Abdu'l-Karím con[p. 54.]veyed the trust to its
destination.
Well, we must return to our
original narrative. The Prime Minister issued a second order to his brother
Mírzá
Hasan Khán, the gist of which order was this:- "Obtain a formal and
explicit sentence from the learned doctors of Tabríz who are the firm support of
the Church of Ja'far (upon him be peace)
1 An epistle of this sort written by the Báb I have seen. It
was in the form of a pentacle, and most beautifully executed as above described.
Cf. Kazem-Beg ii, p. 498. For a specimen of the 'derivatives' produced by the
Báb from the word Behá see Note R at end.
[page 43]and the impregnable stronghold of the Shi'ite
faith; summon the Christian regiment of Urúmiyya; suspend the Báb before all the
people; and give orders for the regiment to fire a volley."
Mírzá
Hasan Khán summoned his chief of the
farráshes, and gave him his instructions. They removed the Báb's turban
and sash which were the signs of his Seyyid-hood, brought him with four of his
followers
1 to the barrack square of Tabríz, confined
him in a cell, and appointed forty of the [p. 55.] Christian soldiers of Tabríz
to guard him.
Next day the chief of the
farráshes delivered over the Báb and a young man named Á
ká
Mu
hammad 'Alí who was of a noble family of Tabríz to Sám Khán, colonel of
the Christian regiment of Urúmiyya, at the sentences of the learned divine Mullá
Mu
hammad of Mámá
kán, of the second ecclesiastical authority Mírzá
Bá
kir, and of the third ecclesiastical authority Mullá
Murta
zá-
Kulí and others. An iron nail was hammered into the middle
of the staircase of the very cell wherein they were imprisoned, and two ropes
were hung down. By one rope the Báb was suspended and by the other rope
Á
ká Mu
hammad 'Alí, both being firmly bound in such wise that the
1 These four would seem to
have been - (1) Áká Muhammad 'Alí of Tabríz; (2) Áká Seyyid
Huseyn of Yezd, the Báb's amanuensis; (3) Áká Seyyid Hasan
of Yezd, his brother; (4) Áká Seyyid Ahmad of Tabríz. See Note S
at end.
[page 44]head of that young man was on the Báb's breast.
The surrounding house-tops billowed with teeming crowds. A regiment of soldiers
ranged itself in three files. The first file fired; then the second file, and
[p. 56.] then the third file discharged volleys. From the fire of these volleys
a mighty smoke was produced. When the smoke cleared away they saw that young man
standing and the Báb seated by the side of his amanuensis Á
ká Seyyid
Huseyn in the very cell from the staircase of which they had suspended
them. To neither one of them had the slightest injury resulted.
Sám Khán the Christian asked to be excused; the turn of
service came to another regiment, and the chief of the
farráshes withheld
his hand. Á
ká Ján Beg of Khamsa, colonel of the body-guard, advanced; and
they again bound the Báb together with that young man to the same nail. The Báb
uttered certain words which those few who knew Persian
understood
1, while the rest heard but the sound of his
voice.
[p. 57.] The colonel of the regiment
appeared in person: and it was before noon on the twenty-eighth of Sha'bán in
the year [A.H.] one thousand two hundred
1 The Ázarbaiján dialect of Turkish is the language generally
spoken in Tabríz, and only persons who have either received some education or
travelled in other parts of Persia understand Persian. Indeed Turkish prevails
as far east as Kazvín, is widely spoken in Teherán, and is understood by
many even as far south as Kum.
[page 45]and sixty-six
1.
Suddenly he gave orders to fire. At this volley the bullets produced such an
effect that the breasts [of the victims] were riddled, and their limbs were
completely dissected, except their faces, which were but little marred.
Then they removed those two bodies from the
square to the edge of the moat outside the city, and that night they remained by
the edge of the moat. Next day the Russian consul came with an artist and took a
picture of those two bodies in the posture wherein they had fallen at the edge
of the moat.
On the second night at midnight
the Bábís carried away the two bodies.
On
the third day the people did not find the [p. 58.] bodies, and some supposed
that the wild beasts had devoured them, so that the doctors proclaimed from the
summits of their pulpits saying, "The holy body of the immaculate Imám and that
of the true Shi'ite are preserved from the encroachments of beasts of prey and
creeping things and wounds, but the body of this person have the wild beasts
torn in pieces." But after the fullest investigation and enquiry it hath
1 July 9th 1850. I have
already pointed out (B. i, p. 512) that Kazem-Beg is in error in placing the
Báb's death in 1849. As to the events contemporary with the Founder's martyrdom,
the siege of Zanján was in progress, while the Níríz insurrection had just been
quelled. Indeed Áká Seyyid Yahyá of Dáráb according to reliable
tradition suffered martyrdom on the same day as the Báb.
[page 46]been proved that when the Báb had dispersed all
his writings and personal properties and it had become clear and evident from
various signs that these events would shortly take
place
1, therefore, on the second day of these events,
Suleymán Khán
2 the son of Ya
hyá Khán, one of
the nobles of Ázarbaiján devoted to the Báb, arrived, and proceeded straightway
to the house of the mayor of Tabríz. And since the mayor was an old friend,
associate, and confidant of [p. 59.] his; since, moreover, he was of the mystic
temperament and did not entertain aversion or dislike for any sect, Suleymán
Khán divulged this secret to
1 There is no doubt that, as Gobineau states (p. 258), the Báb fully
expected to suffer martyrdom. He even issued instructions as to the disposal of
his remains, which he desired should be placed near the shrine of Sháh
'Abdu'l-'Azím some five miles to the south of Teherán. "The place of
Sháh 'Abdu'l-'Azím," he wrote, "is a good land, by reason of the
proximity of Wahíd" (i.e. Subh-i-Ezel, whose name,
Yahyá, is equivalent numerically to Wahíd, cf. B. ii, 997)
"for keeping; and God is the Best of Keepers." The body, as here stated,
was presently sent along with that of Áká Muhammad 'Alí, the Báb's
fellow-sufferer, from Tabríz to Teherán. It was committed to the care of
Áká Mahdí of Káshán, who deposited it in a little shrine called
Imám-zádé-i-Ma'súm situated near the
Imám-zádé-i-Hasan on the road from Teherán to Ribát.-Karím. Here
it remained in charge of the custodian of the shrine (who was paid to keep watch
over it) till about the year 1867, when it was removed elsewhere by command of
Behá'u'lláh.
2 Concerning Suleymán
Khán's martyrdom in August 1852 at Teherán see Note T at end.
[page 47]him saying, "Tonight I, with several others,
will endeavour by every means and artifice to rescue the body. Even though it be
not possible, come what may we will make an attack, and either attain our object
or pour out our lives freely in this way." "Such troubles," answered the mayor,
"are in no wise necessary." He then sent one of his private servants named Hájí
Alláh-yár, who, by whatever means and proceedings it was, obtained the body
without trouble or difficulty and handed it over to Hájí Suleymán Khán. And when
it was morning the sentinels, to excuse themselves, said that the wild beasts
had devoured it. That night they sheltered [p. 60.] the body in the workshop of
a Bábí of Mílán: next day they manufactured a box, placed it in the box, and
left it as a trust. Afterwards, in accordance with instructions which arrived
from Teherán, they sent it away from Ázarbaiján. And this transaction remained
absolutely secret.
Now in these years [A.H.
one thousand two hundred and] sixty-six and sixty-seven throughout all Persia
fire fell on the households of the Bábís, and each one of them, in whatever
hamlet he might be, was, on the slightest suspicion arising, put to the sword.
More than four thousand souls were slain
1, and a great
multitude of women and children,
1 The most notable massacres during this period were at Zanján and
Níríz. Concerning the martyrdom of the "Seven [footnote goes onto page
48] Martyrs" at Teherán (amongst whom was the Báb's maternal uncle Mírzá
Seyyid 'Alí) which likewise took place at this time some information will be
found in Note B at end.
[page 48]left without protector or helper, distracted and
confounded, were trodden down and destroyed. And all these occurrences were
brought about solely by the arbitrary decision and command of Mírzá Ta
kí
Khán, [p. 61.] who imagined that by the enactment of a crushing punishment this
sect would be dispersed and disappear in such wise that all sign and knowledge
of them would be cut off. Ere long had passed the contrary of his imagination
appeared, and it became certain that [the Bábís] were increasing. The flame rose
higher and the contagion became swifter: the affair waxed grave and the report
thereof reached other climes. At first it was confined to Persia: later it
spread to the rest of the world. Quaking and affliction resulted in constancy
and stability, and grievous pains and punishment caused acceptance and
attraction. The very events produced an impression; impression led to
investigation; and investigation resulted in increase. Through the
ill-considered policy of the Minister this edifice became fortified and
strengthened, and these foundations firm and solid. Previously the matter used
to be [p. 62.] regarded as commonplace: subsequently it acquired a grave
importance in men's eyes. Many persons from all parts of the world set out for
Persia, and
[page 49]began to seek with their whole hearts. For it
hath been proved by experience in the world that in the case of such matters of
conscience laceration causeth healing; censure produceth increased diligence;
prohibition induceth eagerness; and intimidation createth avidity. The root is
hidden in the very heart, while the branch is apparent and evident. When one
branch is cut off other branches grow. Thus it is observed that when such
matters occur in other countries they become extinct spontaneously through lack
of attention and exiguity of interest. For up to the present moment of movements
pertaining to religion many have appeared in the countries of [p. 63.] Europe,
but, non-interference and absence of bigotry having deprived them of importance,
in a little while they became effaced and dispelled.
After this event there was wrought by a certain Bábí a great error
and a grave presumption and crime, which has blackened the page of the history
of this sect and given it an ill name throughout the civilized world. Of this
event the marrow is this, that during the time when the Báb was residing in
Ázarbaiján a youth,
Sádi
k by name, became affected with the utmost
devotion to the Báb, night and day was busy in serving him, and became bereft of
thought and reason. Now when that which befel the Báb in Tabríz took place, this
servant, actuated by his own fond fancies, fell into thoughts of seeking
blood-
[page 50]revenge. And since he knew naught of the details
of the events, the absolute autocracy of the
Amír-Nizám, his
unbridled power, and sole authority; nor [p. 64.] [was aware] that this sentence
had been promulgated absolutely without the cognizance of the Royal Court, and
that the Prime Minister had presumptuously issued the order on his own sole
responsibility; since, on the contrary, he supposed that agreeably to ordinary
custom and usage the attendants of the court had had a share in, and a knowledge
of this sentence, therefore, [impelled] by folly, frenzy, and his evil star,
nay, by sheer madness, he rose up from Tabríz and came straight to Teherán, one
other person being his accomplice. Then, since the Royal Train had its abode in
Shimrán, he thither directed his steps. God is our refuge! By him was wrought a
deed so presumptuous that the tongue is unable to declare and the pen loath to
describe it. Yet to God be praise and thankfulness that this madman had charged
his pistol with shot, imagining this to be preferable and superior to all
projectiles
1.
[p.
65.] Then all at once commotion arose, and this sect became of such ill repute
that still, strive and struggle as they may to escape from the curse and
disgrace
1 Of the attempt
on the Sháh's life a very graphic account is given by Gobineau (chapter xi). See
also Watson's History of Persia, &c. pp. 407-410, Lady Sheil's
Diary, pp. 273-282, and Note T at end.
[page 51]and dishonour of this deed, they are unable to
do so. They will recount from the first manifestation of the Báb until the
present time; but when the thread of the discourse reaches this event they are
abashed and hang their heads in shame, repudiating the presumptuous actor and
accounting him the destroyer of the edifice and the cause of shame to mankind.
Now after the occurrence of this grave
matter all of this sect were suspected. At first there was neither investigation
nor enquiry
1, but afterwards in mere justice it was
decided that there should be investigation, enquiry, and examination. All who
were known to be of this sect fell under suspicion. [p. 66.] Behá'u'lláh was
passing the summer in the village of Afcha situated one stage from Teherán. When
this news was spread abroad and punishment began, everyone who was able hid
himself in some retreat or fled the country. Amongst these Mírzá
Ya
hyá
2, the brother of Behá'u'lláh, concealed
himself, and, a bewildered fugitive, in the guise of a dervish, with
kashkúl3 in hand, wandered in mountains and
plains
1 i.e. at first
everyone who was suspected of belonging to the Bábí community was put to death
without enquiring as to whether he had any share in the conspiracy against the
king.
2 See Gobineau, pp. 277-279, and
Note W at end.
3 A hollow receptacle
of about the size and shape of a cocoa-nut, round the orifice of which two
chains are attached at four points to serve as a handle. It is used by dervishes
as an alms-basket.
[page 52]on the road to Resht. But Behá'u'lláh rode forth
with perfect composure and calmness from Afcha, and came to Niyávarán, which was
the abode of the Royal Train and the station of the imperial camp. Immediately
on his arrival he was placed under arrest, and a whole regiment guarded him
closely. [p. 67.] After several days of interrogation they sent him in chains
and fetters from Shimrán to the gaol of Teherán. And this harshness and
punishment was due to the immoderate importunity of Hájí 'Alí Khán, the
hájibu'd-Dawla
1, nor did there seem any hope of
deliverance, until His Majesty the King, moved by his own kindly spirit,
commanded circumspection, and ordered this occurrence to be investigated and
examined particularly and generally by means of the ministers of the imperial
court.
Now when Behá'u'lláh was interrogated
on this matter he answered in reply, "The event itself indicates the truth of
the affair and testifies that this is the action of a thoughtless, unreasoning,
and igno-
1 Concerning this
infamous monster who, amongst innumerable other wickednesses and cruelties,
volunteered to carry out the sentence of death on his fallen benefactor,
Mírzá Takí Khán, see Watson's History of Persia, &c. pp.
403-404. Dr Polak (Persien; das Land und seine Bewohner, Leipsic, 1865,
vol. 1, p. 352) describes him as "ein Mann ohne Herz und auf Commando zu
jeder Grausamkeit bereit," and then proceeds to enumerate the ghastly
tortures which he devised for the Bábís.
[page 53]rant man. For no reasonable person would charge
his pistol with shot when embarking on so grave an enterprise. At least he would
so arrange and plan it that the deed should be orderly and systematic. [p. 68.]
From the very nature of the event it is clear and evident as the sun that it is
not the act of such as myself."
So it was
established and proven that the assassin had on his own responsibility engaged
in this grievous action and monstrous deed with the idea and design of taking
blood revenge for his Master, and that it concerned no one
else
1. And when the truth of the matter became evident
the innocence of Behá'u'lláh from this suspicion was established in such wise
that no doubt remained for anyone; the decision of the court declared his purity
and freedom from this charge; and it became apparent and clear that what had
been done with regard to him was due to the
1 According to Gobineau (p. 280) three Bábís actually took
part in the attempt on the Sháh's life and others were concerned in the plot.
According to the Násikhu't-Tawáríkh, which gives the most circumstantial
account of the occurrence, Mullá Sheykh 'Alí (called by the Bábís
Jenáb-i-'Azím) first proposed the attempt, for the carrying out of
which twelve persons volunteered. Of these twelve, however, there were but three
- Sádikof Zanján (or Mílán), Mullá Fathu'lláh of
Kum, and Mírzá Muhammad of Níríz - whose hearts did not fail them
at the last. Of these three the first was killed on the spot, the other two put
to death afterwards. See Note T at end.
[page 54]efforts of his foes and the hasty folly of the
hájibu'd-Dawla. Therefore did the government of eternal [p. 69.] duration
desire to restore certain properties and estates which had been confiscated,
that thereby it might pacify him. But since the chief part of these was lost and
only an inconsiderable portion was forthcoming, none came forward to claim them.
Indeed Behá'u'lláh requested permission to withdraw to the Supreme Shrines [of
Kerbelá and Nejef] and, after some months
1, by the
royal permission and with the leave of the Prime Minister, set out accompanied
by one of the King's messengers for the Shrines.
Let us return, however, to our original subject. Of the Báb's writings
many remained in men's hands. Some of these were commentaries on, and
interpretations of the verses of the
Kur'án; some were prayers, homilies,
and hints of [the true significance of certain] passages; others were
exhortations, admonitions, dissertations on the different branches of the
doctrine of the Divine Unity, demonstrations of the special prophetic mission of
the Lord of existing things [Mu
hammad], and (as hath been understood)
encouragements to amendment of character, severance from worldly states, [p.
70.] and dependence on the inspirations of God
2. But
1 According to Nabíl's
chronological poem (B. ii, p. 983, 987) Behá'u'lláh was imprisoned in Teherán
for four months.
2 For an enumeration
of the Báb's writings see Note U at end.
[page 55]the essence and purport of his compositions were
the praises and descriptions of that Reality soon to appear which was his only
object and aim, his darling, and his desire. For he regarded his own appearance
as that of a harbinger of good tidings, and considered his own real nature
merely as a means for the manifestation of the greater perfections of that One.
And indeed he ceased not from celebrating him by night or day for a single
instant, but used to signify to all his followers that they should expect his
arising: in such wise that he declares in his writings, "I am a letter out of
that most mighty book and a dew-drop from that limitless ocean, and, when he
shall appear, my true nature, my mysteries, riddles, and intimations will become
evident, and the embryo of this religion shall develop through the grades of its
being and ascent, attain to the station of '
the [p. 71.]
most comely
of forms1,' and become adorned with the robe of
'
blessed be God, the Best of Creators2.' And
this event will disclose itself in the year [A.H. one thousand two hundred and]
sixty-nine, which corresponds to the number of the year of '
after a
while3,'
1 Kur'án, xcv. 4.
2
Kur'án, xxiii. 14. For texts from Beyán illustrating this passage, see
Note V at end. 3 The year of
'
a while' ~~~ is 68 (~~~ = 8, ~~~ = 10, ~~~ = 50), and the year of
'
after a while' therefore corresponds to 69, which is the number
after 68. It was not, however, till A.H. 1283 (A.D. 1866-67) that,
according to Nabíl (B. ii. pp. 984, [
footnote goes onto page 56] 988),
Behá openly declared himself as 'He whom God shall manifest.']
[page 56]and '
thou shalt see the mountains which thou
thinkest so solid passing away like the passing of the
clouds1' shall be fulfilled." In short he so
described Him that, in his own expression, He regarded approach to the divine
bounty and attainment of the highest degrees of perfection in the worlds of
humanity as dependent on love for him, and so inflamed was he with his flame
that commemoration of him was the bright candle of his dark nights in the
fortress of Mákú, and remembrance of him was the best of companions in the
straits of the prison of Chihrí
k. Thereby he obtained spiritual
enlargements; with his wine was he inebriated; and at remembrance of Him did He
rejoice. All of his followers too were in [p. 72.] expectation of the appearance
of these signs, and each one of his intimates was seeking after the fulfilment
of these forecasts.
Now from the beginning
of the manifestation of the Báb there was in Teherán (which the Báb called the
Holy Land) a youth of the family of one of the ministers and of noble
lineage
2, gifted in every way,
1 Kur'án, xxvii. 90.
2 Behá'u'lláh (Mírzá Huseyn 'Alí) and
Subh-i-Ezel (Mírzá Yahyá) were both sons of Mírzá 'Abbás
(better known as Mírzá Buzurg) but by different mothers. This is confirmed
beyond all doubt by Subh-i-Ezel and others who have the best means
of knowing, though Gobineau (p. 277) gives a different [footnote goes onto
page 57] account. There was another brother called Músá, now deceased, one
of whose sons is at present residing in Acre.
[page 57]and adorned with purity and nobility. Although
he combined lofty lineage with high connection, and although his ancestors were
men of note in Persia and universally sought after
1,
yet he was not of a race of doctors or a family of scholars. Now this youth was
from his earliest adolescence celebrated amongst those of the ministerial class,
both relatives and strangers, for single-mindedness, and was from childhood
pointed out as remarkable for sagacity, and held in regard in the eyes of the
wise. He did not, however, after the fashion of his ancestors, desire elevation
to lofty ranks nor seek advancement to splendid but transient posi[p. 73.]tions.
His extreme aptitude was nevertheless admitted by all, and his excessive
acuteness and intelligence were universally avowed. In the eyes of the common
folk he enjoyed a wonderful esteem, and in all gatherings and assemblies he had
a marvellous speech and delivery. Notwithstanding lack of instruction and
education
2 such was the keenness of his penetration
1 Lit. "the place where
the camels' saddles are put down," i.e. people whose houses are frequented by
guests and visitors. See Lane's Lexicon, Book I. Part III. p.
1053.
2 Behá himself says in the
earlier portion of his Epistle to the King of Persia not included in the
extract therefrom given further on:- [two lines of Persian/Arabic script]
"I have not studied the sciences which men have, neither have I entered
[footnote goes onto page 58] the colleges: ask the city wherein I was that
thou mayest be sure that I am not of those who lie."
[page 58]and the readiness of his apprehension that when
during his youthful prime he appeared in assemblies where questions of divinity
and points of metaphysic were being discussed, and, in presence of a great
concourse of doctors and scholars loosed his tongue, all those present were
amazed, accounting this as a sort of prodigy beyond the discernment natural to
the human race. From his early years he was the hope of his kindred and the
unique one of his family and race, nay, their refuge and shelter.
However, in spite of these conditions and circum[p.
74.]stances, as he wore a
kuláh1 on his head
and locks flowing over his shoulder, no one imagined that he would become the
source of such matters, or that the waves of his flood would reach the zenith of
this firmament.
When the question of the Báb
was noised abroad signs of partiality appeared in him. At the first he apprized
his relatives and connections, and the children and dependents of his own
circle; subsequently he occupied his energies by day and night in
1 The Persian lamb-skin
hat worn by Government employés and civilians. The words ~~~ (hatted) and ~~~
(turbaned) are commonly used to distinguish the laity or civilian class from the
clergy or learned class. The latter usually shave the head, while the former
wear their hair in zulf descending below the level of the ears.
[page 59]inviting friends and strangers [to embrace the
new faith]. He arose with mighty resolution, engaged with the utmost constancy
in systematizing the principles and consolidating the ethical canons of that
society in every way, and strove by all means to protect and guard these people.
When he had [thus] established the
foundations in Teherán he hastened to Mázandarán, where he [p. 75.] displayed in
assemblies, meetings, conferences, inns, mosques, and colleges a mighty power of
utterance and exposition. Whoever beheld his open brow or heard his vivid
eulogies perceived him with the eye of actual vision to be a patent
demonstration, a latent magnetic force, and a pervading influence. A great
number both of rich and poor and of erudite doctors were attracted by his
preaching and washed their hands of heart and life, being so enkindled that they
laid down their lives under the sword dancing [with joy].
Thus, amongst many instances, one day four learned and
accomplished scholars of the divines of Núr were present in his company, and in
such wise did he expound that all four were involuntarily constrained to entreat
him to accept them for his service. For by dint of his eloquence, which was like
'evi[p. 76.]dent sorcery,' he satisfied these eminent doctors that they were in
reality children engaged in the rudiments of study and the merest tyros, and
that
[page 60]therefore they must read the alphabet from the
beginning. Several protracted conferences were passed in expounding and
elucidating the
Point1 and the
Alif of
the Absolute, wherein the doctors present were astounded, and filled with
amazement and astonishment at the seething and roaring of the ocean of his
utterance. The report of this occurrence reached the hearing of far and near,
and deep despondency fell on the adversaries. The regions of Núr were filled
with excitement and commotion at these events, and the noise of this mischief
and trouble smote the ears of the citizens of Bárfurúsh. The chief divine of
Núr, Mullá Mu
hammad, was in
Kishlá
k2. When
1 The 'Point' [~~~], 'Point of
Revelation' [~~~], and 'First Point' [~~~] were the titles assumed by
the Báb during the latter part of his mission, and it is by one of these titles,
or by the phrases ~~~ ('His Highness the Supreme'), ~~~ ('His Highness
my Lord the Supreme'), that he is mentioned amongst the Bábís. (See
Gobineau, p. 156.) The Alif, in the phraseology of the mystics, indicates
the unmanifested Essence of God.
2
Kishlák is a word of Turkish origin (from ~~~ winter) applied
generally to the warmer low-lying districts where the winter is passed, the
highlands where the summer is spent being called Yílák or
Yílágh. It is also applied as a proper name to several places in the
north of Persia. Kishlák of Núr is, as appears from the
Sháh's Diary of his journey through Mázandarán, a district bordering on the
coast, of which the chief town is Khurramábád. Núr itself is situated in the
mountains.
[page 61]he heard of these occurrences he sent two of the
most distinguished and profound of the doctors, who were [p. 77.] possessed of
wondrous eloquence, effective oratorical talent, conclusiveness of argument, and
brilliant powers of demonstration, to quench this fire, and to subdue and
overcome this young man by force of argument, either reducing him to penitence,
or causing him to despair of the successful issue of his projects. Glory be to
God for His wondrous decrees! When those two doctors entered the presence of
that young man, saw the waves of his utterance, and heard the force of his
arguments, they unfolded like the rose and were stirred like the multitude, and,
abandoning altar and chair, pulpit and preferment, wealth and luxury, and
evening and morning congregations, they applied themselves to the furtherance of
the objects of this person, even inviting the chief divine to tender his [p.
78.] allegiance. So when this young man with a faculty of speech like a rushing
torrent set out for Ámul and Sárí he met with that experienced doctor and that
illustrious divine in
Kishlá
k of Núr. And the people assembled
from all quarters awaiting the result. His accomplished reverence the divine,
although he was of universally acknowledged excellence, and in science the most
learned of his contemporaries, nevertheless decided to have recourse to augury
as to [whether he should engage in] discussion and disputation. This did not
prove favourable and he therefore excused
[page 62]himself, deferring [the discussion] until some
other time. His incompetency and shortcoming thereby became known and suspected,
and this caused the adherence, confirmation, and edification of many.
In brief outline the narrative is this. For
some while he wandered about in those districts. After the death of the late
prince Mu
hammad Sháh he returned to Teherán, having in his mind [the
intention of] corresponding and entering into relations [p. 79.] with the Báb.
The medium of this correspondence was the celebrated Mullá 'Abdu'l-Karím of
Kazvín
1, who was the Báb's mainstay and trusted
intimate. Now since a great celebrity had been attained for Behá'u'lláh in
Teherán, and the hearts of men were disposed towards him, he, together with
Mullá 'Abdu'l-Karím, considered it as expedient that, in face of the agitation
amongst the doctors, the aggressiveness of the greater part of [the people of]
Persia, and the irresistible power of the
Amír-Nizám, whereby both
the Báb and Behá'u'lláh were in great danger and liable to incur severe
punishment, some measure should be adopted to direct the thoughts of men towards
some absent person, by which means Behá'u'lláh would remain protected from the
interference of all men. And since further, having regard to sundry
considerations, they did not consider an outsider as suitable, they cast the lot
of this
1 See above, p. 41
and note.
[page 63]augury to the name of Behá'u'lláh's brother
Mírzá Ya
hyá
1.
[p. 80.] By the assistance and instruction of Behá'u'lláh, therefore,
they made him notorious and famous on the tongues of friends and foes, and wrote
letters, ostensibly at his dictation, to the Báb. And since secret
correspondences were in process the Báb highly approved of this scheme. So Mírzá
Ya
hyá was concealed and hidden while mention of him was on the tongues
and in the mouths of men. And this mighty plan was of wondrous efficacy, for
Behá'u'lláh, though he was known and seen, remained safe and secure, and this
veil was the cause that no one outside [the sect] fathomed the matter or fell
into the idea of molestation, until Behá'u'lláh quitted Teherán at the
permission of the King and was permitted to withdraw to the Supreme Shrines.
When he reached Baghdad and the crescent
moon of the month of Mu
harram of the year [A.H. one [p. 81.] thousand two
hundred and] sixty-nine (which was termed in the books of the Báb "the year of
'
after a while2'" and wherein he had promised
the disclosure of the true nature of his religion and its mysteries) shone forth
from the horizon of the world, this covert secret, as is related, became
apparent amongst all within and without [the society]. Behá'u'lláh with mighty
steadfastness became a target for the arrows
1 See Note W at end.
2 See note 3 at foot of p. 55.
[page 64]of all amongst mankind, while Mírzá Ya
hyá
in disguise passed his time, now in the environs and vicinity of Baghdad engaged
for better concealment in various trades, now in Baghdad itself in the garb of
the Arabs.
Now Behá'u'lláh so acted that the
hearts of this sect were drawn towards him, while most of the inhabitants of
'Irá
k1 were reduced to silence and
speechlessness, some being amazed and others an[p. 82.]gered. After remaining
there for one year he withdrew his hand from all things, abandoned relatives and
connections, and, without the knowledge of his followers, quitted
'Irá
k[footnote 1] alone and solitary, without companion, supporter,
associate, or comrade. For nigh upon two years he dwelt in Turkish Kurdistán,
generally in a place named Sarkalú, situated in the mountains, and far removed
from human habitations. Sometimes on rare occasions he used to frequent
Suleymániyyé. Ere long had elapsed the most eminent doctors of those regions got
some inkling of his circumstances and conditions, and conversed with him on the
solution of certain difficult questions connected with the most abstruse points
of theology. Having witnessed on his part ample signs and satisfactory
explanations they observed towards him the
1 Here and in subsequent passages where 'Irák is
mentioned 'Irák-i-'Arab (especially Baghdad) is intended, not
Irák-i-'Ajam.
[page 65]utmost respectfulness and deference. In
consequence [p. 83.] of this he acquired a great fame and wonderful reputation
in those regions, and fragmentary accounts of him were circulated in all
quarters and directions, to wit that a stranger, a Persian, had appeared in the
district of Suleymániyyé (which hath been, from of old, the place whence the
most expert doctors of the Sunnites have arisen), and that the people of that
country had loosed their tongues in praise of him. From the rumour thus heard it
was known that that person was none other than Behá'u'lláh. Several persons,
therefore, hastened thither, and began to entreat and implore, and the urgent
entreaty of all brought about his return.
Now although this sect had not been affected with quaking or consternation at
these grievous events, such as the slaughter of their chief and the rest, but
did rather increase and multiply; still, since the Báb was but beginning to lay
the founda[p. 84.]tions when he was slain, therefore was this community ignorant
concerning its proper conduct, action, behaviour, and duty, their sole guiding
principle being love for the Báb. This ignorance was the reason that in some
parts disturbances occurred; for, experiencing violent molestation, they
unclosed their hands in self-defence. But after his return Behá'u'lláh made such
strenuous efforts in educating, teaching, training, regulating, and
reconstructing this com-
[page 66]munity that in a short while all these troubles
and mischiefs were quenched, and the utmost tranquillity and repose reigned in
men's hearts; so that, according to what hath been heard, it became clear [p.
85.] and obvious even to statesmen that the fundamental intentions and ideas of
this sect were things spiritual, and such as are connected with pure hearts;
that their true and essential principles were to reform the morals and beautify
the conduct of the human race, and that with things material they had absolutely
no concern.
When these principles, then,
were established in the hearts of this sect they so acted in all lands that they
became celebrated amongst statesmen for gentleness of spirit, steadfastness of
heart, right intent, good deeds, and excellence of conduct. For this people are
most well-disposed towards obedience and submissiveness, and, on receiving such
instruction, they conformed their conduct and behaviour thereto. Formerly
exception was taken to the words, deeds, de[p. 86.]meanour, morals, and conduct
of this sect: now objection is made in Persia to their tenets and spiritual
state. Now this is beyond the power of man, that he should be able by
interference or objection to change the heart and conscience, or meddle with the
convictions of any one. For in the realm of conscience nought but the ray of
God's light can command, and on the throne of the heart none
[page 67]but the pervading power of the King of Kings
should rule. Thus it is that one can arrest and suspend [the action of] every
faculty except thought and reflection; for a man cannot even by his own volition
withhold himself from reflection or thought, nor keep back his musings and
imaginings.
At all events the undeniable
truth is this, that for nigh upon thirty-five years
1
no action opposed [p. 87.] to the government or prejudicial to the nation has
emanated from this sect or been witnessed [on their part], and that during this
long period, notwithstanding the fact that their numbers and strength are double
what they were formerly, no sound has arisen from any place, except that every
now and then learned doctors and eminent scholars (really for the extension of
this report through the world and the awakening of men) sentence some few to
death. For such interference is not destruction but edification when thou
regardest the truth, which will not thereby become quenched and forgotten, but
rather stimulated and advertised.
I will at
least relate one short anecdote of what
1 This passage clearly shews that our history was composed not
more than four or five years ago, probably during the year 1886. For since the
attempt on the Sháh's life in the month of Shawwál, A.H. 1268 (August 1852), the
Bábís have taken no action hostile to the Persian government, and the month of
Shawwál, A.H. 1303 (35 years from this date) began in July, 1886.
[page 68]actually took place. A certain person violently
molested and grievously injured a certain Bábí. [p. 88.] The victim unclosed his
hand in retaliation and arose to take vengeance, unsheathing his weapon against
the aggressor. Becoming the object of the censure and reprimand of this sect,
however, he took refuge in flight. When he reached Hamadán his character became
known, and, as he was of the clerical class, the doctors vehemently pursued him,
handed him over to the government, and ordered chastisement to be inflicted. By
chance there fell out from the fold of his collar a document written by
Behá'u'lláh, the subject of which was reproof of attempts at retaliation,
censure and reprobation of the search after vengeance, and prohibition from
following after lusts. Amongst other matters they found these expressions
contained in it:- "
Verily God is quit of the sedi[p. 89.]
tious,"
and likewise:- "
If ye be slain it is better for you than that ye should slay.
And when ye are tormented have recourse to the controllers of affairs and the
refuge of the people1; and if ye be neglected
then entrust your affairs to the Jealous Lord. This is the mark of the sincere,
and the characteristic of the
1 i.e. "If you be wronged or persecuted, appeal for protection and
redress to the legally constituted authorities; and if they will not help you,
then be patient and put your trust in God, but do not attempt by force to obtain
redress for yourselves."[page 69]
assured." When
the governor became cognizant of this writing he addressed that person saying,
"By the decree of that chief whom you yourself obey correction is necessary and
punishment and chastisement obligatory." "If," replied that person, "you will
carry out all his precepts I shall have the utmost pleasure in [submitting to]
punishment and death." The governor smiled and let the man go.
So Behá'u'lláh made the utmost efforts to educate [his
people] and incite [them] to morality, the acquisition of the sciences and arts
of all countries, kindly dealing with all the nations of the earth, desire for
the welfare of all peoples, sociability, con[p. 90.]cord, obedience,
submissiveness, instruction of [their] children, production of what is needful
for the human race, and inauguration of true happiness for mankind; and he
continually kept sending tracts of admonition to all parts, whereby a wonderful
effect was produced. Some of these epistles have, after extreme search and
enquiry, been examined, and some portions of them shall now be set down in
writing
1
1 For some account of Behá's various writings see B. ii. pp. 942-981.
A specimen of the ~~~ in the original may be found in Rosen's MSS.
Persans, pp. 32-51, and a part of the ~~~ in his MSS. Arabes, pp.
191-212. Baron Rosen intends shortly to publish the whole of the ~~~ including
the Epistles to the Kings (~~~), and he has been kind enough to send me
the proof-sheets of this [footnote goes onto page 70] important work as
they are printed off. Further information will be found in a subsequent
foot-note.
[page 70] All these epistles
consisted of [exhortations to] purity of morals, encouragement to good conduct,
reprobation of certain individuals, and complaints of the seditious. Amongst
others this sentence was recorded:-
"
My captivity is not my abasement: by
my life, it is indeed a glory unto me! But the abasement is the ac[p.
91.]
tion of my friends who connect themselves with us and follow the devil in
their actions. Amongst them is he who taketh lust and turneth aside from what is
commanded; and amongst them is he who followeth the truth in right guidance. As
for those who commit sin and cling to the world they are assuredly not of the
people of Behá."
So
again:-
"
Well is it with him who is
adorned with the decoration of manners and morals: verily he is of those who
help their Lord with clear perspicuous action."
"
He is God, exalted is His state, wisdom and utterance. The True
One (glorious is His glory) for the shewing forth of the gems of ideals from the
mine of man, hath, in every age, sent a trusted one. The primary foundation of
the faith of God and the religion of God is this, that they should not make
diverse sects and various paths the cause and reason of hatred. These principles
and laws and firm sure roads
[page 71]appear from one dawning-place and shine from one
dayspring, and these diversities were out of regard for [p. 92.] the
requirements of the time, season, ages, and epochs. O unitarians, make firm the
girdle of endeavour, that perchance religious strife and conflict may be removed
from amongst the people of the world and be annulled. For love of God and His
servants engage in this great and mighty matter. Religious hatred and rancour is
a world-consuming fire, and the quenching thereof most arduous, unless the hand
of Divine Might give men deliverance from this unfruitful calamity. Consider a
war which happeneth between two states: both sides have foregone wealth and
life: how many villages were beheld as though they were not! This precept is in
the position of the light in the lamp of utterance."
"O people of the world, ye are all the fruit of one tree and the
leaves of one branch. Walk with perfect [p. 93.] charity, concord, affection,
and agreement. I swear by the Sun of Truth, the light of agreement shall
brighten and illumine the horizons. The all-knowing Truth hath been and is the
witness to this saying. Endeavour to attain to this high supreme station which
is the station of protection and preservation of mankind. This is the intent of
the King of intentions, and this the hope of the Lord of hopes."
"We trust that God will assist the kings of the earth to
illuminate and adorn the earth with the
[page 72]refulgent light of the Sun of Justice. At one
time we spoke in the language of the Law, at another time in the language of the
Truth and the Way; and the ultimate object and remote aim was the shewing forth
of this high supreme station.
And God sufficeth for witness."
[p. 94.]"O friends, consort with all the
people of the world with joy and fragrance. If there be to you a word or essence
whereof others than you are devoid, communicate it and shew it forth in the
language of affection and kindness: if it be received and be effective the
object is attained, and if not leave it to him, and with regard to him deal not
harshly but pray
1. The language of kindness is the
lodestone of hearts and the food of the soul; it stands in the relation of ideas
to words, and is as an horizon for the shining of the Sun of Wisdom and
Knowledge."
"If the unitarians had in the
latter times acted according to the glorious Law [which came] after His Highness
the Seal [of the Prophets
2] (may the life of all
beside him be his sacrifice!), and had clung to its skirt, the foundation of the
fortress of religion
1
i.e. "If you have a message or gospel wherein others are not partakers, then
convey it to those about you in kind and gentle words. If they accept it you
have gained your object; if not, leave it to ripen and bear fruit, and pray that
it may do so, but on no account strive to force its acceptance on any
one."
2
Muhammad.
[page 73]would not have been shaken, and populous cities
[p. 95.] would not have been ruined, but rather cities and villages would have
acquired and been adorned with the decoration of peace and serenity."
"Through the heedlessness and discordance of
the favoured people and the smoke of wicked souls the Fair Nation is seen to be
darkened and enfeebled. Had they acted [according to what they knew] they would
not have been heedless of the light of the Sun of Justice."
"This victim hath from earliest days until now been
afflicted at the hands of the heedless. They exiled us without cause at one time
to 'Irá
k1, at another time to Adrianople, and
thence to Acre, which was a place of exile for murderers and robbers; neither is
it known where and in what spot we shall take up our abode after this greatest
prison-house.
Knowledge is with God, the Lord of the Throne and of the dust
and the Lord of the lofty seat. In whatever place we may be, and whatever
befal us, the saints must gaze with perfect steadfastness and confi[p. 96.]dence
towards the Supreme Horizon and occupy themselves in the reformation of the
world and the education of the nations. What hath befallen and shall befal hath
been and is an instrument and means for the furtherance of the Word of Unity.
Take 1 See note on
p. 64.
[page 74]hold of the command of God and cling thereto:
verily it hath been sent down from beside a wise Ordainer."
"With perfect compassion and mercy have we guided and
directed the people of the world to that whereby their souls shall be profited.
I swear by the Sun of Truth which hath shone forth from the highest horizons of
the world that the people of Behá had not and have not any aim save the
prosperity and reformation of the world and the purifying of the nations. With
all men they have been in sincerity and charity. Their outward [appearance] is
one with their inward [heart], and their inward [heart] identical with their
outward [appearance]. The truth [p. 97.] of the matter is not hidden or
concealed, but plain and evident before [men's] faces. Their very deeds are the
witness of this assertion. To-day let every one endowed with vision win his way
from deeds and signs to the object of the people of Behá and from their speech
and conduct gain knowledge of their intent. The waves of the ocean of divine
mercy appear at the utmost height, and the showers of the clouds of His grace
and favour descend every moment. During the days of sojourn in
'Irák
1. this oppressed one sat down and consorted with
all classes without veil or disguise. How many of the denizens of the
1 See note on p.
64.
[page 75]horizons
1 entered in
enmity and went forth in sympathy! The door of grace was open before the faces
of all. With rebellious and obedient did we outwardly converse after one
fashion, that perchance the evil-doers might win their way to the ocean of
boundless forgiveness. The splendours of the Name of the
Concealer
2 were in such wise manifested that [p. 98.]
the evil-doer imagined that he was accounted of the good. No messenger was
disappointed and no enquirer was turned back. The causes of the aversion and
avoidance of men were certain of the doctors of Persia and the unseemly deeds of
the ignorant. By [the term] 'doctors' in these passages are signified those
persons who have withheld mankind from the shore of the Ocean of Unity; but as
for the learned who practise [their knowledge] and the wise who act justly, they
are as the spirit unto the body of the world. Well is it with that learned man
whose head is adorned with the crown of justice, and whose body glorieth in the
ornament of honesty. The Pen of Admonition
1 i.e. The people of all lands.
2 'The Concealer' (~~~)is one of the Names of God (see Redhouse's
Most Comely Names, p. 38, No. 236), of which Names the Prophets are the
mirrors or places of manifestation (~~~). In their actions the Divine Attributes
whether 'beautiful' (~~~) or 'terrible' (~~~) are displayed. So
Behá's concealment of his feelings is here described as a manifestation of the
'Name of the Concealer.'
[page 76]exhorteth the friends and enjoineth on them
charity, pity, wisdom, and gentleness. The oppressed
one
1 is this day a prisoner; his allies are the hosts
of good deeds and virtues; not ranks, and hosts, and guns, [p. 99.] and cannons.
One holy action maketh the world of earth highest paradise.
"O friends, help the oppressed one with well-pleasing
virtues and good deeds! To-day let every soul desire to attain the highest
station. He must not regard what is in him, but what is in God.
It is not for
him to regard what shall advantage himself, but that whereby the Word of God
which must be obeyed shall be upraised. The heart must be sanctified from
every form of selfishness and lust, for the weapons of the unitarians and the
saints were and are the fear of God. That is the buckler which guardeth man from
the arrows of hatred and abomination. Unceasingly hath the standard of piety
been victorious, and accounted amongst the most puissant hosts of the world.
Thereby do the saints subdue the [p. 100.]
cities of [men's]
hearts by the permission of God, the Lord of hosts. Darkness hath
encompassed the earth: the lamp which giveth light was and is wisdom. The
dictates thereof must be observed under all circumstances. And of wisdom is the
regard of place and the utterance of discourse according to measure and
1 Throughout his writings
by the terms 'the oppressed one,' 'this oppressed one,' 'this
servant,' &c., Behá intends himself.
[page 77]state. And of wisdom is decision; for man should
not accept whatsoever anyone sayeth
1.
"Under all circumstances desire of the True One (glorious
is His glory) that He will not deprive His servants of the sealed
wine
2 and the lights of the Name of the
Self-subsistent.
"
O friends of God,
verily the Pen of Sincerity enjoineth on you the gr